The Center for Responsible Lending presents itself as a tireless advocate of poor and downtrodden borrowers facing a credit industry of greedy banks, payday lenders and other financial predators. It is intimately tied to some of the worst actors in the lending business and its advocacy has too often hurt, not helped, the very people it claims to defend. In the comedy skit an actress playing Pelosi introduces actors playing Herb and Marion Sandler, the co-founders of the Golden West financial empire. The SNL sketch was notable for its sharp parody of everyone involved in the financial meltdown.
Image by Matt Kennard. The Cunard Building, built in a style intended to recall grand Italian palaces — complete with marble imported from Tuscany — sits on The Strand, formerly known as Goree Piazza, named after the island off the coast of Senegal that was used as a base to trade slaves.
In the summer ofthe docks hosted a more contemporary meeting of British traders: In a historic ballroom with period detailing and vaulted ceilings, before an audience of men and women in business suits sitting around circular tables with pristine white tablecloths, Peters asked: As the director of this special unit untilPeters specialized in helping British companies profit from contracts funded by international aid — taxpayer money that is intended to help end global poverty.
This is a side of aid that few have ever seen — the companies, the products, and the business models that circle around this multibillion-dollar market, angling for a larger piece of the pie.
The men and women in the audience sat straight and still in their seats, focused on every word, moving only to take notes or get a closer look at the screen.
Where does the rest go? Donor countries like the United Kingdom or the United States spend much of their aid money through NGOs, multilateral organizations like the UN, and private contractors. Billions of dollars each year are spent buying goods and services — everything from drugs to consultancy.
For others, it is the entire business model. Across the Atlantic, one of the biggest beneficiaries of UK—aid-funded business is Crown Agents, a company that grew out of the infrastructure of the British Empire; it was privatized inmoving seamlessly from being a merchant of empire to profiting off the postcolonial world.
Other companies have started up specifically to take advantage of these business opportunities. Many European cities now host regular events like the one in Liverpool.
On the outskirts of Brussels in Novemberhundreds of men and women in smart business suits swarmed around an array of exhibition stalls, sipping glasses of wine and picking up bags filled with glossy corporate brochures and USB keys stamped with the logos of multinational corporations.
Overhead, large banners bearing the names of major car companies — Ford, Volkswagen, Toyota — hung from the ceiling. On offer was everything from different types of tarpaulin to the services of private security firms.
The UN only places business with companies when the budget is already secure. The shipping industry also benefits. But sinceand particularly since the global financial crisis, the visibility and power of large corporations in international aid and development efforts has taken on even larger proportions.
With traditional aid budgets under pressure, donors are increasingly turning to the private sector to fill the gap. In fact, the 21st century has witnessed a corporate takeover of aid: US and European corporations not only making millions off foreign aid budgets, but using aid and global development institutions to break into new markets and influence public policy in the developing world.
Big NGOs are striking deals with multinationals too. The expectation is that these engagements will only grow. Teaming up with big businesses is being sold as the only option.
By the same time, the resources are going to have to go beyond what governments themselves can provide. Pipa said this shift to work more with companies was only natural, as aid to many developing countries now pales in comparison to the amount of foreign investment they receive.
Large corporations are also increasingly involved in the design and delivery of projects, and, again, in shaping policy and setting the agenda. Jen Kates at the Kaiser Family Foundation, said: Profitability is sustainability, aid is temporary.
Addressing the issue of why companies bother to get involved in aid, Pipa commented: That question of sustainability is something that I think they are struggling with themselves. From their own perspective as businesses, how are they going to maintain and continue to grow over time?
Africa has a coterie of some of the fastest growing economies in the world. The question, he suggested, was not whether to work with businesses, but: Countries around the world have enacted minimum wage laws, for example, and environmental regulations, to do precisely this.
But much of the official narrative of why companies are increasingly involved in aid assumes, or takes advantage of, short memories.
It presumes that we have forgotten the context: Instead of laws limiting the power of transnational corporations, we have voluntary initiatives and corporate social responsibility projects.
At a separate international conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on how to finance development moving forward, proposals pushed by developing countries to set up a new intergovernmental tax body — under the authority of the UN, giving poor countries equal say in how global tax rules are designed — failed to pass amid opposition from some of the rich states present.
Language ensuring that this actually supports sustainable development, advances human rights, and is accountable to poor communities is sparse. In London, Nuria Molina, director of policy at the ActionAid UK NGO, said corporations have emerged as increasingly prominent players in development efforts precisely because of deregulation, not in spite of it.
I think development and public sector civil servants have had, since the neoliberal turn, a very strong sense of inferiority, thinking the private sector is so much better, so much smarter, so much more glamorous.Doing Business with Capital One.
See Capital One's Public Commitment and the Capital One Public Commitment Final Report. Capital One Bank invests in our local communities, working with partners to support affordable housing, economic development, . The cover story offers 12 suggestions for the new U.S. president; other pieces discuss education and health in China and India, health policy models, the U.S.
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Army, and political reform in the Arab world. Nov 02, · This is a finding of Doing Business Making a Difference for Entrepreneurs, the eighth in a series of annual reports published by IFC and the World Bank. the eighth in a . In , he became a top adviser to Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, a pro-Russian strongman whom Manafort is widely credited with helping win the presidency in We also reviewed legislation available through the World Bank's Doing Business online law library; This research would not have been possible without support for building the global policy database from the Ford Foundation and the Canada Foundation for Innovation.
The World Bank. Data catalog. [[cited Mar 1]]. Available from. At the end of World War II, Ford was in tatters. and then spent 12 years as head of the World Bank.
He died on July 6, at 93 years old. Indian Inspector E.C. Watkins submits a report.